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The Science Behind Emotion
The the scientific reasoning behind emotions.
28
Psychology
10th Grade
05/02/2012

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"Psychology (1990)." World Book Science Year. 2009. eLibrary. Web. 02 May. 2012.
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"Emotion and Affect." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Ed. William A. Darity, Jr. 2nd ed. Vol. 2. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008. 571-572. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 2 May 2012.
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"Right-Brain Hemisphere." The Gale Encyclopedia of Psychology. Ed. Bonnie Strickland. 2nd ed. Detroit: Gale, 2001. 548. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 2 May 2012.
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"Emotion." The Gale Encyclopedia of Psychology. Ed. Bonnie Strickland. 2nd ed. Detroit: Gale, 2001. 218-219. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 2 May 2012.
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Gordon, Robert M. "James-Lange Theory." Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy. Ed. Robert Audi. 2nd ed. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge, 1999. 448. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 2 May 2012.
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"Although psychologists and philosophers have discussed emotions for years, debates continue about what constitutes an emotion and how different emotional experiences should be classified."
"The biological view suggests that emotions can be understood in terms of their evolutionary origin and significance and that this knowledge can contribute to understanding the function of emotions. The psychological view suggests that there might be some small, basic set of emotions on which all others are built. Basic emotion classification has been useful in explaining how emotions evolve and exist in all cultures."
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"The right brain hemisphere also appears to have special links to emotion. Right-brain damage interferes with both the ability to produce and interpret expressions of emotion. Damage to the front part of the right-brain hemisphere renders people unable to act on or express strong emotions. If the damage is further back in the brain, the person can express emotion but not recognize it in other people or in pictures."
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"The first influential theory of emotion in modern times—the James-Lange theory—was formulated independently in the 1880s by both American psychologist and philosopher William James and Danish physiologist C.G. Lange (1834-1900"0" Objectively, emotions involve internal physiological responses and expressive outward displays that are both learned and innate. Certain emotions themselves, considered to be primary emotions—joy, anger, sadness, fear, and love—are thought to be innate, while complex emotions—such as altruism, shame, guilt, and envy—seem to arise from social learning.
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Lisa, P. V. (2001). Retrieving political emotion: Thumos, aristotle, and gender. The Review of Politics, 63(3), 623-626. http://ezproxy.kcls.org/docview/220214866?accountid=46
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the theory, put forward by William James and independently by C. Lange, a Danish anatomist, that an emotion is the felt awareness of bodily reactions to something perceived or thought (James) or just the bodily reactions themselves (Lange).
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Seeking to supplement political theory with works by historians, sociologists, anthropologists, and ethnographers, all of whom have gone further in viewing the emotions as essential elements of human behavior, Koziak dons many hats as she interweaves many disparate views into a provocative whole.
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Psychologists have long known that emotions are accompanied by specific physical changes in the autonomic nervous system, the part of the nervous system that controls such involuntary reactions as heart rate and blood flow.
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The physical responses triggered by facial expressions seem to be inborn, rather than learned, according to psychologist Paul Ekman of the University of California at San Francisco. Ekman and his colleague Robert Levenson of the University of California at Berkeley reported in January 1989 at the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) in San Francisco that people making faces have the same bodily reactions whether they come from the United States or from somewhere as culturally different as Sumatra, Indonesia.

Ekman and Levenson recorded the physical responses—including heart rate, skin temperature, and speed and depth of breathing—of 46 Sumatran men, aged 17 to 28, as they made specific facial expressions. They found the same pattern of bodily changes in Sumatrans as in Americans. “It is the first evidence of the universality of autonomic nervous system pattern,” Ekman says.
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By political emotion Koziak means not simply patriotism or nationalist fervor. Rather, she argues that "reason or cognitions in the form of beliefs or evaluations are central to emotion, that emotions play a necessary role in good moral judgment, and that emotions are social rather than merely individual, subjective events and so are historically variable, and culturally shaped or constructed" (pp. 14-15).
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thorough study of Aristotle's conception of virtue and political life must take into account the ways in which he balances the needs of the emotions with those of reason.
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In philosophy an understanding of the social and political context of emotion has a long history - from the works of Aristotle relating anger to social injustice, to Seneca's discussion of apathy as related to social class and power relationships, to Humes social analysis of the creation and distribution of pride. Gross describes the developing contrast in philosophy between an individual view of emotion with its origins in Descartes and an engagement with the social context in a series of case studies - on apathy, passivity, pride and passion, each contributing to an understanding of the social and political context of emotion.
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An example is that, for what might be termed 'early psychologists' such as William Perfect in the eighteenth century, emotions are socially created, and mental and emotional illness socially created and treated. Gross argues that following only one archetypally modernist and biological stance our modern understanding of emotion deprives us of the social and political insight that the legacy of philosophy provides.
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Historically, the James-Lange theory led to further inquiries into the physiological and cognitive causes of emotional feelings and helped transform the psychology of emotions from a descriptive study relying on introspection to a broader naturalistic inquiry.
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However, the medium within which this ferment has largely been taking place is linguistic and conceptual analysis. Although analytic philosophers of emotion use relatively sophisticated logical and linguistic tools, their task has not been much different from that of the many classical philosophers who attempted definitions of various emotions
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Note the importance of situational and cognitive features in Spinoza's definitions, for example:



Fear: an inconstant pain arising from the idea of something past or future, whereof we to a certain extent doubt the issue.


Regret: the desire or appetite to possess something, kept alive by the remembrance of the said thing, and at the same time constrained by the remembrance of other things that exclude the existence of it.
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The experience of emotions has significant psychological and physiological effects. How people interpret their experience motivates and guides their actions and specific behaviors. Emotions convey to others what the individual is feeling, and they may also help regulate social interactions.
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The classical philosophers contributed more than definitions, of course. For example, some declared certain emotions to be the primary or basic emotions. However, the philosophers remained armchair theorists, putting forward at best introspective or anecdotal data. The scientific advances of the nineteenth century, particularly in biology, made it possible to move beyond this.
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In The Expression of Emotions in Man and Animals, published in 1872, Charles Darwin investigated the various, mostly involuntary physiological changes, especially in the facial and skeletal muscles, which constitute the so-called "expressions" of emotions (1998 [1872]). Others broadened the investigation to include the internal visceral phenomena associated with various emotions. Still, these were thought to be investigations into mere manifestations or accompaniments of emotions.
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Emotions are often classified by their valence. Theorists and laypeople tend to readily agree that emotions, or most of them, are either positive or negative. The agreement evaporates, however, as soon as they are asked, "In what respect?" One point of disagreement concerns what is being evaluated: Is it what the emotion is characteristically about that makes it positive or negative (intentional valence), or is it one's having or experiencing the emotion (experiential valence)?
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Some philosophers and scientists have argued that what we call "the emotions" do not belong to a "natural kind" or class, and even that the concept of emotion should be banished entirely, at least from scientific discourse.
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Charland, Louis C., and Robert M. Gordon. "Emotion." Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Ed. Donald M. Borchert. 2nd ed. Vol. 3. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2006. 197-203. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 2 May 2012.
http://go.galegroup.com.ezproxy.kcls.org/ps/retrieve.do?sgHitCountType=None&sort=RELEVANCE&inPS=true&prodId=GVRL&userGroupName=kcls&tabID=T003&searchId=R10&resultListType=RESULT_LIST&contentSegment=&searchType=BasicSearchForm¤tPosition=3&contentSet=GALE%7CCX3446800560&&docId=GALE|CX3446800560&docType=GALE
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Spikins, P. (2006). The secret history of emotion: From aristotles rhetoric to modern brain science. Antiquity, 80(310), 1008-1009. http://ezproxy.kcls.org/docview/217570332?accountid=46
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The general term the emotions is a relatively recent arrival to the English language, first gaining prominence in the nineteenth century, long after terms such as fear, shame, and joy were in common use. Its introduction was an attempt to clump together states that were supposedly marked by a degree of "emotion," a metaphorical extension of the original sense of the word, namely, agitated motion, or turbulence. Only the vagueness of the metaphor allows it to stretch far enough to cover typically quiescent "emotions" such as being pleased or sad about something.
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