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| Bureaucratic-Authoritarian regime |
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In a Bureaucratic-Authoritarian regime the military governs collectively, as an institution, rather than vesting total authority in the hands of a single military leader or caudillo.
Often the regime is headed by military juntas, with one active or retired officer who serves as president and wields the most power.
Four primary examples of Bureaucratic-Authoritarian regimes in Latin America are Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, during the 1960s and 70s.
O’Donnell notes that these regimes occurred at relatively high stages of socio-economic development, and came into power with a clear 'economic project' in mind, ie. To improve their countries’ poor economic conditions, through the promotion of economic
orthodox economic liberal policies
especially focusing on fiscal austerity and creating an attractive economic landscape for foreign direct investment.
This observation of Latin America challenged Lipset’s Socioeconomic Development Model that explained that socioeconomic development led to democratization in developing countries.
Bureaucratic-Authoritarian regimes can be quite repressive, like other military regimes; however, their day-to-day governing style is more bureaucratic and sophisticated,
often drawing on the talents of highly trained technocrats.
B-A regimes desire to depoliticize society, hoping to exclude popular participation, and often suspend political parties and large-scale gatherings, repress and ban grassroots organizations, unions, and movements, and jail, torture, and kill suspected political dissidents. The repression, like the regimes day to day governance, is often methodical and bureaucratic. |
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Revolution can be defined as:
"a rapid, basic transformation of a society's political, economic, and social structures carried out by a revolutionary vanguard that has mobilized broad, popular support."
The success of the 26th of July Movement in Cuba, made the concept of revolution attractive to many political leaders and participants in Latin America. Che Guevara's foco theory, and much of the Communist propaganda being circulated during the Cold War, led many in Latin America to believe revolution was the only, or the ideal, option for Latin American countries facing deep inequalities, poverty, and injustice with their countries political, economic, and social institutions. Examples of successful revolutions in Latin America are: Mexico from 1910-1917, Cuba in 1959, and Nicaragua in 1979. |
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The torturer dilemma can be characterized as society's options for dealing with the perpetrators of grave human rights violations.
For Latin American countries, these human rights violations largely occurred during the military dictatorships, and its perpetrators were largely military officers.
The options facing many Latin American countries regarding how to cope with the torturers in their society's can largely be broken down into two categories: prosecute and punish, or forgive and forget.
The rationale for choosing to prosecute and punish is largely in support of truth, justice, and moral obligations to the victims and family. Also, the military cannot be seen to be above the law, as well as deterrence of future violations, and the establishment of viability within a democratic system.
The rationale for the forgive and forget strategy is that democracy should be rooted in reconciliation, the process of democratization has often involved an understanding of lack of retribution, crimes may have been justified at the time and were supported by the public, also, many share in the guilt, where do we draw the line in the military. Lastly, the pragmatic argument is that the consolidation of democracy should take precedence over punishment of individuals. |
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| In Spanish, golpe de estado, this term refers to the replacement of political leadership, that frequently lacks broad popular support, and tends to leave intact political, economic, and social structures. In Latin America these have often taken place when the military, either as an institution or individual squadrons, take political power. Hugo Chavez carried out a failed coup attempt in 1992, and utilized the popularity he gained from it to become a populist president in 1998. |
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| The 26th of July Movement |
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| The 26th of July Movement's name originated from the failed attack on the Moncada Barracks, an army facility in the city of Santiago de Cuba, on July 26, 1953. The movement was reorganized in Mexico in 1955 by a group of 82 exiled revolutionaries (including Fidel Castro, his brother Raúl Castro, Camilo Cienfuegos, and the Argentinian Ernesto "Che" Guevara). In 1956, 82 men landed in Cuba, having sailed in the boat Granma from Mexico to Cuba, ready to organize and lead a revolution. Ultimately their revolution was successful, and its ramifications were heard across not only Latin America, but the world. Cuba became an example for ambitious political leaders, leaders of unions and movements, as well as idealist youths looking for rapid changes within their unjust societies. The 26th of July Movement succeeded in its guerrilla warfare and made the Cuban case a model for attempted revolution in Latin America countries, and one that would dictate US foreign policy in the region throughout the Cold War as anti-revolution, anti-communist, and anti-Cuba. |
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The word democracy originates from the Greek, demos - people, and kratia - governance by. The literal definition of democracy is "rule by the people," however the application of this term is contested. it is a contested concept.
There are, however, five main tenets of democracy that most scholars agree on:
1. honest, competitive elections
2. universal or nearly universal suffrage
3. widespread political participation
4. a free and open mass media.
5. lastly, government respect for human rights, especially minority rights -- though some consider this to be a condition for liberal democracy, rather than simply democracy.
Democratization is becoming increasingly popular in Latin America, and as such it is a crucial time to analyze the causes and conditions that favor democracy, as well as what democracy on the ground means for Latin Americans in their political, social, and economic life. Divisions between populism and the reformist left, as well as in countries' institutions continue to lead social scientists to question what is the correct path for Latin American countries to take in the consolidation of political democracies. |
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Civil Society is the realm of autonomous, voluntary associations and institutions in society that are not primarily familial, production-oriented, or dedicated to acquiring state power. Civil societies can foster a public spirited citizenry, and serves to counterbalance the power of a strong state, by pressuring it to introduce democratic reforms. Examples of these include: non-profits, labor unions, interest groups, etc.
Relevance to Latin America: Civil Society Power Model explains some of the causes and conditions necessary for democratization to occur. For example, woman's movements in Chile and Argentina often put pressure on the military regimes to provide public accountability for those 'disappeared' during Argentina's Dirty War, and Chile's repressive, torture and murdering under Pinochet. |
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The set of attitudes, beliefs, and feelings about politics occurring in a country during a given time, shaped by its history and ongoing processes of social, economic, and political activity.
The Political Culture Model explains that a political culture that has fostered a profound respect for the norms of democracy is far more likely to sustain democratic governance than one that doesn't. The weaknesses in many democratically governed countries in Latin America, such as corruption, weak states, and violence, has often led to a distrust of one's country's democratic regimes and can influence the political culture in such a way as to make democracy less likely to be consolidated and successful. |
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There are five key characteristics of both Classical and Neopopulists.
1. A highly personalistic leadership, rooted in a highly charismatic leader.
2. A multi-class political coalition heavily dependent upon the lower classes.
3. Political strategy that favors direct, unmediated ties to the masses, as opposed to strong political parties.
4. Utilized anti-elitest discourse.
5. A general distrust of institutional checks and balances.
The key distinction between classical populism and neopopulism is based on economic policies. Leaders like Brazil's Vargas (1930-45) and Argentina's Peron (1943-55) supported Statist policies of state creation of industries, protectionist policies, and import-subsidized industrialization.
Whereas, neopopulists during the 1990s such as Argentina's Menem, or Peru's Fuijimori, have supported neoliberal economical policies such as fiscal austerity, privitization, and trade liberalization.
Populism is again on the rise with leaders like Hugo Chavez (who epitimizes the five characteristics of populism) and Raphael Correa, and the degree to which populists strengthen or undermine democracy is becoming an increasingly significant debate among Latin American scholars to date. Contrast the Reformist Left to Populism. |
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Populism is again on the rise with leaders like Hugo Chavez (who epitimizes the five characteristics of populism) and Raphael Correa, and the degree to which populists strengthen or undermine democracy is becoming an increasingly significant debate among Latin American scholars to date.
Whereas, neopopulists during the 1990s such as Argentina's Menem, or Peru's Fuijimori, have supported neoliberal economical policies such as fiscal austerity, privitization, and trade liberalization.
There are five key characteristics of both Classical and Neopopulists.
1. A highly personalistic leadership, rooted in a highly charismatic leader.
2. A multi-class political coalition heavily dependent upon the lower classes.
3. Political strategy that favors direct, unmediated ties to the masses, as opposed to strong political parties.
4. Utilized anti-elitest discourse.
5. A general distrust of institutional checks and balances.
The key distinction between classical populism and neopopulism is based on economic policies. Leaders like Brazil's Vargas (1930-45) and Argentina's Peron (1943-55) supported Statist policies of state creation of industries, protectionist policies, and import-subsidized industrialization.
Contrast the Reformist Left to Populism. |
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The Reformist Left can be seen as a stark contrast to Populism. Four contradictory characteristics, and one complementary char, can be seen to characterize the Reformist Left:
1. Not personalistic, or dependent on a highly charismatic leader.
2. (complimentary) A multi-class political coalition, especially dependent upon the lower classes.
3. Works through highly organized political parties.
4. Seeks consensus, and thereby rejects anti-elistest political discourse.
5. Accepts institutional checks and balances.
The Reformist Left is known for adhering to neoliberal economic policies, especially in fiscal prudence, and keeping a competitive exchange rate.
The reformist left is particularly significant in Latin America as presenting another option to Latin American countries in the face of populism. Examples of the Reformist Left in Latin America are:
Lula in Brazi
Lagos/Bachelet in Chile
Vasquez in Uruguay |
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| In 1992, Chavez carried out a failed coup attempt of President Perez in his second term in office. Although Chavez failed, he became a political celebrity in Venezuela as a representative of a leader who took full responsibility of his actions, and left a charismatic stamp of hope on the government by stating in his conciliatory speech "we have failed, for now." In 1994, he was pardoned by president Caldera, and in 1998 was elected president of Venezuela. He continues as president to this day, and is the epitomy of a populist leader. He is charismatic, depends on a multiclass coalition especially dependent on the lower classes, has a deep distrust of institutional checks and balances, as well as utilizes anti-elitest political discourse, and prefers direct, unmediated ties to the mass, rather than using highly structured political parties. Though Chavez has instituted reforms for Venezuela, such as nationalizing the oil industry, and has remained relatively popular among the lower classes in Venezuela, many have charged Chavez with undermining democracy through his lack of respect for free and open media outlets, and his repression of civil society and suspected political opponents (both in the court system as well as in the organized labor movement). |
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| "Corruption" can be defined as the misuse of entrusted power for private benefit. Every state experiences corruption, however, the degree varies widely, and Latin America experiences relatively high levels of corruption in many of its states. Corruption can take three forms: proactive personal enrichment, reactive personal enrichment (bribery), and lastly, public enrichment through the forms of clientelism. |
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Clientelism can be defined as "an asymmetrical power relationship in which an individual who possesses power (a patron) offers specific benefits to individuals who lack power (clients) in return for their political support."
Clientelism can take three forms:
-Social obligation
-Vote buying
-Broker Clientelism |
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| Broker Clientelism is when a politician in a specific bureaucratic role will do certain services for an individual or community in exchange for exchange for votes |
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