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Of the 40 Ss from Milgram’s experiment who were later given personality tests, 75% were obedient to the very end of the experiment. |
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Elms & Milgram say that over 50% the Ss in the obedience experiment obeyed the orders they were given completely in every version of the experiment. |
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Elms & Milgram say that, when Ss in the test showed signs of conflict, they almost always refused to obey at that point. |
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Elms & Milgram note that Ss occasionally failed to obey the experimenter even when they couldn’t see or hear the victim’s protests. |
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Elms & Milgram gave personality tests to the most defiant and obedient Ss they could find in the “Proximity Series” experiments. |
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Half of Elms’ & Milgram’s test subjects were men and half were women. |
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Ss were paid to participate in the Elms & Milgram personality study. |
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Elms & Milgram gave their subjects personality tests (including the MMPI and the California F Scale) and they interviewed them as well. |
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Ss were interviewed mainly about the hot button issues of the day – the Vietnam war, the civil rights movement, nuclear testing, and the Cold War. |
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Ss were asked to complete “semantic differential” scales” that included references to parents, employers, and the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann. |
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Obedient Ss scored higher than defiant Ss on the California F Scale even when education was removed from consideration. |
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Elms & Milrgram report that obedient Ss were significantly more likely to offer positive words to describe their parents that were defiant subjects. |
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The authors regret that they did not ask Ss who had served in the military whether they had ever actually fired a gun at an enemy soldier. |
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Nearly half of the Ss had been on active duty in the military at one time or another. |
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Over 50% of the defiant Ss who had served in the military said they had taken shots at enemy soldiers. |
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Obedient Ss were likelier than defiant Ss to say positive things about the experimenter |
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Elms & Milgram appear to have been unfamiliar with Adorno’s 1950 study of “the authoritarian personality.” |
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Elms & Milgram worry that, unlike the original Adorno study, their own findings may be tainted by the influence of “response set” considerations. |
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Obedient Ss sympathized with their victims, and even “glorified” them. |
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Elms-Milgram Ss were generally older than Ss in the study by Adorno et al. |
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Elms & Milgram conclude that the differences in the behavior of defiant and obedient Ss are likely to reflect underlying differences in their personalities. |
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Elms & Milgram say that, overall, obedient Ss appear to be more likely to “easily” accept the idea of injuring others than defiant Ss. |
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Elms and Milgram regret that, unlike the famous earlier study by Adorno et al., they were unable to observe actual behavior in a realistic setting. |
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Elms & Milgram say that, like Adorno et al., they found that overconformity tends to accompany underlying destructiveness toward established authority. |
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Elms & Milgram reject the argument that highly obedient Ss are in any way ambivalent towards authority. |
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Elms & Milgram deny that the details of their study permit us to picture the obedient S as an individual with authoritarian personality tendencies. |
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Elms & Milgram found that obedient Ss obeyed in specific cases even though, overall, they did not like command-obedience situations in the abstract. |
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The MMPI discriminates largely between pathology and normalcy |
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Elms & Milgram deny that an obedient S could be low in submissiveness but high in the need to release aggressive tensions. |
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Elms & Milgram list several earlier articles by Milgram in their bibliography. |
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Tooker says that Iroquois society was thought to be matriarchal largely because it was a matrilineal clan society. |
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Tooker calls Morgan’s 1851 book still the “single best description” of Iroquois society. |
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Until Morgan wrote about them, the Iroquois were an obscure and neglected people. |
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Tooker says that Iroquois clans claimed to be descended, not from totemic ancestral founders, but from stars and other celestial bodies. |
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Five tribes united to form the “League of the Iroquois,” with a council of 50 chiefs |
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Newly chosen Iroquois chiefs were given the names of their deceased predecessors |
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Women traditionally dominated the deliberations of Iroquois councils. |
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Iroquois decisions were binding only if they were reached by consensus. |
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Every clan in every Iroquois tribe had at least one chief. |
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Tooker says that, by choosing the chiefs, Iroquois women acted as the ruling political power in their society. |
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The Iroquois “Three Sisters” were angelic but avenging divinities to whom the Iroquois prayed for good fortune in war. |
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Divorce was strictly forbidden among the Iroquois. |
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The Iroquois lived semi-settled, semi-nomadic lives. |
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The Iroquois relied entirely on farming for their food and subsistence. |
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The Iroquois built long-lasting homes of adobe-like bricks. |
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Tooker objects to calling Iroquois kinship “classificatory.” |
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Iroquois moieties are said to have been exogamous in the past. |
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Tooker says that the Iroquois posited “reciprocal obligations” between chiefs and the people, between spirits and humans, and between men and women. |
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By the 17 th century, the Iroquois had long since ceased to live in the forest. |
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Iroquois villages were regarded as pre-eminently female domains. |
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Iroquois women, upon marriage, left their original homes to move in with their husbands. |
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The typical Iroquois man lived in a single longhouse from childhood to old age. |
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Iroquois and Huron men were such successful hunters that they had no need to depend on women for economic support. |
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Iroquois chiefs could not assume that their sons would succeed them. |
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Iroquois men were constantly in search of economic security. |
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According to Ross, “dispositions” include culturally learned responses to people outside the community. |
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Ross says that psychocultural explanations are usually more intuitively appealing than structural explanations. |
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Ross says that, for Freud, the society was essentially the family writ large. |
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LeVine says that many social scientists rejected the once-popular idea that watered-down psychoanalytic theory could resolve major world problems. |
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Ross describes Freud’s theory as “reductionist.” |
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Ross says that infants strive exclusively to fulfill their physical cravings. |
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Infants as young as five months old can recognize faces which they saw a week earlier for just a minute. |
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Linus, in the comic strip Peanuts, almost always carries a blanket. Winnicott would call this blanket a “transitional object.” |
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Ross says that, because the human capacity to form intimate bonds with others is innate, it cannot be damaged by a lack of early nurturance. |
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Ross says that harsh physical and emotional experiences in childhood induce feelings of guilt and anxiety. |
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Ross says authoritarian personality theory, like orthodox psychoanalytic theory, rejects the idea that severe child training leads to later aggressivity. |
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For Ross, loving child-rearing is simply the opposite of harsh socialization. |
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Closeness between fathers and children encourages the development of peace-making skills. |
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Montagu profiled seven small-scale societies in which harsh child-rearing and highly aggressive role models were extremely common. |
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Ross says that “diluted marriage” is almost completely unknown in patrilocal, polygynous cultures. |
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Ross says that boys in cultures in which fathers are aloof and mothers are ambivalent often suffer from ambivalence themselves. |
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According to Whiting & Whiting, children develop unusually authoritarian and aggressive tendencies in societies where fathers play remote and unsympathetic roles in child rearing and family life. |
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Ross says that both Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland view themselves as powerful majorities. |
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Ross says that one of the greatest strengths of psychocultural theory is its power as a predictive tool. |
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Ross says that psychocultural theory is extraordinarily effective in explaining why specific social groups become targets of hostility. |
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The Rwandan genocide was a complete surprise, predicted by no one. |
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During famines, Rwabugiri opened his granary to the poor and needy. |
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The first independent Rwandan regime, led by Kayibanda, won lasting popularity by establishing a multi-party democracy. |
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Over one million households in Habyarimana’s Rwanda belonged to “cellules” of about 100 households each. |
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Rwandan prosperity reached new heights in the late 1980s. |
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Women grew most of the coffee in Habyarimana’s Rwanda. |
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The Twa were the wealthy "one percent" in Habyarimana’s Rwanda. |
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The system of forced coffee cultivation in Rwanda broke down when people simply refused to participate any longer. |
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When Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986, Rwandans in Uganda ceased to be a marginalized minority. |
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The Arusha Accord of 1993 would have given the RPF control over nearly 25% of Rwanda’s ministries. |
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Many victims of the Rwandan genocide were killed in public places, including churches. |
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The word “Tutsi” means “fearsome archer” or, more generally, “foe.” |
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Wealthy Hutus could “Tutsify” by undergoing a process of “deHutuization.” |
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Both “land chiefs” and “cattle chiefs” were exclusively Tutsis, not Hutus. |
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The Belgian colonialists created a bloated Tutsi bureaucracy of 20,000 chiefs plus an even larger number of Tutsi sub-chiefs. |
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Very few Rwandan peasants at the time of the genocide owned radios. |
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Anti-Tutsi prejudices and practices were often directed against Tutsi women in particular. |
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Centralized family complexes are often riddled with sharp tensions. |
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Rootless youth who migrated to the cities organized “moral purity” brigades that banned drunkenness and brawling. |
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Seven in ten Rwandan genocide survivors were women, and 90% showed signs of clinical trauma. |
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The Oliners say that “dominating structures” exert so much power over us as individuals that we are generally powerless to resist them. |
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The Oliners interviewed people almost exclusively in eastern Europe. |
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Among “non-rescuers,” the Oliners distinguish “actives” (who said that they had fought the Nazis) from “bystanders” (who kept to themselves). |
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For Durkheim, altruism is not just a personal quality but a social fact -- a way of thinking, feeling, and acting that is common to many people. |
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The Oliners say that people who find gratification in helping others are not really altruistic, even if they seek no reward or recognition and they risk more than they gain. |
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If the Oliners had read Schindler’s List (which appeared after their book) they would have heard of Oskar Schindler’s role in rescuing the Jews. |
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The Oliners argue that social class was entirely irrelevant with respect to Holocaust rescue efforts. |
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The Oliners say that social learning theorists would have trouble explaining acts that are not prompted by interest in external rewards. |
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Even the majority non-rescuers say they knew what fate Hitler intended for the Jews. |
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People in every nation that fell under Nazi domination (Poland, France, Holland, etc.) were equally likely to witness Nazi brutality personally. |
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Most rescuers lived alone with few neighbors and did not worry that their efforts would be disclosed or discovered by anyone close to them. |
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Bystanders were generally more middle-income than rescuers, whose ranks included more of the very poor and the very well off. |
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Rescuers and bystanders were almost equally likely to have access to a cellar. |
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Rescuers were more likely than others to belong to networks and families that they had reason to think would help and support them. |
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Most rescuers volunteered their help, without waiting to be asked. |
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Even some rescuers said that they had refused to help Jews at times. |
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According to the Oliners, rescuers “simply happened” to have more opportunities to help Jews than non-rescuers did. |
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Poles were “shocked” when they were conquered by the Nazis; the French were more likely to feel “despair.” |
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Although most bystanders hated the Nazis, they felt too fearful and hopeless to rise against them. |
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Rescuers and “actives” were equally likely to stress that their actions were primarily motivated by hatred for the Nazis. |
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The Oliners found that religion played essentially no role in inspiring Holocaust rescuers to help Jews. |
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The Oliners discovered that almost half of all rescuers helped the Jews mainly as an expression of patriotic resistance to the Nazis. |
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Values of “economic competence,” the Oliners say, are often linked with materialism and may be linked to conformism and ethnocentrism, too. |
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Rescuers, the Oliners say, were not motivated by materialistic concerns, but rather by concerns of equity or care. |
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Bystanders were substantially more likely than rescuers to report that their parents had demanded obedience from them. |
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