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The sociologist Émile Durkheim stressed that interactions between people can have "vivifying" effects. Asch would agree with Durkheim about this |
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Asch says that social psychology should remove the "veil of self-evidence" from the interpretation of people's actions. |
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Asch says that "dependence" is a brute material fact, not a matter of psychology or mutual understanding. |
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Asking and answering test questions would count as social action by Asch's definition. |
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Asch says that psychological theory has always stressed the reciprocal character of social action. |
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Asch says that the notions of "imitation and suggestion" once enjoyed a near monopoly in the field of social psychology. |
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Sympathy, for Asch, consists of experiencing an emotion identical to one we see someone else experience |
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For Asch, preoccupation with our OWN emotion is the first step in social perception |
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Asch says that retaliating against an aggressor is no different than BEING an aggressor |
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Asch does not believe that people always imitate others. |
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For Asch, there are great differences between individual and social effort |
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Asch would agree that, by working, people change the world around them; but he would deny that, by working, people change themselves. |
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Asch disagrees with those who consider work to be the "formative principle" of societies. |
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When two people carry a couch into a dormitory, their joint effort embodies what Asch calls a "unity of action." |
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Cooperating on a common project is, for Asch, "strictly unlike" what each participant would do singly. |
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Asch says that the accomplishment of a "bucket brigade" is ultimately "more than and different from" the sum of individual efforts by brigade members. |
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Asch calls hunting a classic example of purely solitary individual effort. |
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Cooperation, for Asch, is when everyone does the same thing |
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Asch would regard the case of two boys carrying a log that neither could carry alone as an example of the "simplest form" of cooperation. |
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Asch says that perfect knowledge of the members of a group, as private individuals, would enable us to accurately predict the group's actions. |
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In a footnote, Asch says that cooperation involves mutual understanding, but that competition does not. |
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Asch would regard basketball as a kind of competition within a wider framework of cooperation, in which two teams cooperate to compete. |
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It would be mistaken, Asch holds, to claim that successive generations "cooperate" with each other. |
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Asch says that a dollar bill is a "social thing." |
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Objects have properties only in themselves, Asch says, NOT in their "relation" to us, as well. |
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Facebook, iPhones, 120 Budig, and the Space Shuttle would all count, for Asch, as objects designed for specifically social aims and uses. |
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Asch says that chemical analysis cannot tell us whether a gold bar is OWNED. |
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Ownership, money, price, profit, contract, credit and debt are all examples of what Asch calls economic facts, NOT social facts. |
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Asch says that only objects made by people can be social facts. This would include houses and tenement buildings but not sunlight, airwaves or clouds. |
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Asch says that our status, in society, as husbands, wives, parents and children, is NOT fully determined by biological differences or relations. |
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Mauss says that many societies have flourished without a notion of money. |
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For Mauss, the key issue is when and how the idea of money originated in the first place. |
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Mauss was inspired to analyze money by documents published by German missionaries. |
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The Ewe concept of Dzo means “magical thing” or “magical deed.” |
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Mauss says the concept of dzo is NOT linked to pearls or cowry shells. |
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In Melanesia, Mauss says, the word “mana” is directly linked to money. |
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Mauss says that “mana” and “Manitou” were originally mispronunciations of the English word “money.” |
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Mauss defines “potlatch” as a ceremonial meal served on a carved log |
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Mauss believes that the SYMBOLIC power of sacred talismans made them suitable to represent BUYING power as well. |
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Mana, according to Mauss, means magical power, NOT human authority. |
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Talismans have been used by tribal chieftains to compel underlings to serve them. |
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Mauss says the prestige of talismans allows their owners to exert authority over others. |
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Mauss regards the value of gold as inherent in gold, not in people’s ideas or attitudes. |
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Delafosse disagrees with Mauss about the meaning of dzo. |
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Seashells have been valued highly in many places, including Ecuador, Australia, and Africa. |
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Mauss regards expectations as a major form of collective social thought. |
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Mauss disagrees with economists who say expectations can be quantified |
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Mauss says that, in tough economic times, people tend to save rather than spend. |
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Oualid disagrees that herds of animals have ever been used as money. |
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Oualid argues that belief is an individual rather than a social phenomenon. |
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Picard says gold may have prevailed as the leading form of money partly due to its actual physical properties, not just its alleged magical properties. |
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Pirou says that a “realistic” theory of money must focus exclusively on material forms of money. |
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Pirou says that (except for economists) most people continue to believe that gold coins are intrinsically valuable in themselves. |
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Pirou agrees with Keynes that gold is an outdated fetish. |
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Mauss says that most salt in Africa is produced by cooperative labor under benign conditions in easily worked, easily accessible salt marshes. |
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Cohen says that, like gold or silver, salt rods can be divided into many small units of value. |
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Even rifle shells and cartridges have sometimes served as money. |
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Simiand stresses that social realities are more than just collective. |
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Simiand dismisses the significance of psychological factors altogether |
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For Simiand, the value of money would be better understood if we reduced it to something material, like wheat. |
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La Boétie says that the “great misfortune” of being ruled by a single master is that he can be arbitrary and cruel rather than kind. |
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La Boétie says that we should not be “amazed” when a people, defeated in war, surrender submissively to an oppressive elite; that is simply a hard necessity. |
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Only a “great personage” of rare foresight, solicitude, and boldness would be someone whom the public could prudently and habitually obey, La Boétie says. |
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La Boétie calls cowardice the “monstrous vice” which leads “a million men, a thousand cities” to accept serfdom, slavery, and worse from a tyrant. |
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La Boétie says that tyrants fall when people simply refuse to obey them any longer. |
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Children naturally obey their parents, La Boétie says, but adults naturally obey reason. |
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People are intended by nature, La Boétie says, to attack each other like armed robbers. |
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La Boétie says that elected rulers who become tyrants are no better, and often worse, than tyrants who are born to power or conquer it by force. |
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People “born under the yoke,” La Boétie says, know nothing else, and accept their subjection as natural -- when in fact it is not natural. |
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La Boétie cites the Venetians as an example of a people who lost their early love of liberty and became utterly devoted to serving the Grand Doge. |
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La Boétie says that variations in climate render people either fit or unfit for subjection. |
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Custom is, La Boétie says, “the first reason for servitude.” |
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Even when multitudes dislike a tyrant, La Boétie says, they may refrain from rebellion because they don’t realize that others share their feelings. |
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La Boétie sympathizes with anyone who plots against emperors, even if they are motivated only by the wish to become emperors themselves. |
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La Boétie sees no point in overthrowing a tyrant if tyranny is retained. |
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La Boétie says that people who accept subjection to a ruler fight with great courage, if not for themselves, at least for their rulers. |
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La Boétie does not say that submission is literally an “instinct,” but he does say that tyrants seeks to make a submissive attitude “instinctive” among their subjects |
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Dictators are seldom secure until they have eliminated those “of any worth” who could challenge them |
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“Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown,” as Shakespeare wrote. La Boétie would disagree, arguing that even tyrants have little to fear from their people. |
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La Boétie laments how readily the public accepts dishonorable bribes and insults. |
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La Boétie says that even unjust rulers often give their people more they ever take from them. |
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La Boétie says that tyrants often buy the loyalty of their people with acts of seeming generosity -- but that this generosity is really just a matter of returning to the people a fraction of what the tyrant had previously taken from then. |
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La Boétie says that the Romans never forgave the tyrant Nero for his crimes. |
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Julius Caesar was a rarity, La Boétie says -- a praiseworthy tyrant. |
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It is often said that Nero bought public loyalty with “bread and circuses.” La Boétie makes a very similar point, though in different language. |
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Abraham Lincoln famously said that you can’t fool all of the people all of the time. La Boétie would have regarded this as naive and wrong. |
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Even superstitious peoples have seldom been gullible enough to imagine that a king could have miracle-working power in his big toe |
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La Boétie praises the Spartans for rejecting Persian offers of power and privilege. |
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Salmoneus, according to Vergil, found it both profitable and pleasurable to impersonate Jupiter. |
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La Boétie says it would be “presumptuous” of him to accuse the French of believing in myth and magic as the ancients did. |
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Tristan says that she was the very first writer to call attention to the poverty and wretchedness of the working class. |
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Tristan estimates that 40-50 million working class members in France are “exasperated” by suffering and despair. |
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Tristan advises the workers to wait patiently for the government to consider and heed the justice of their demands. |
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Tristan says that workers are guaranteed neither employment nor benefits. |
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The “general union” that Tristan proposes would not be limited to workers of a single trade. |
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For Tristan, one key role of the Workers Union would be to provide institutional care for the young, the old, and the disabled. |
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Tristan is pleased that the Irish, “the poorest people on earth,” paid a salary of two million per year for a dozen years to “one man alone.” |
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The anarchist Peter Kropotkin later became famous as an advocate of “mutual aid.” Tristan advocated something similar. |
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Tristan feels that the best way to reach workers is to improve their literacy by increasing school funding. |
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Tristan regrets that French workers have failed to produce any literature of their own. |
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For Tristan, poverty is the true and “only” cause of the evils afflicting the workers. |
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Tristan agrees, in Note 2 at the end of Ch. 1, that the Saint-Simonian phrase “the most populous and poorest class” is just as good a definition of the working class as her own definition. |
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Small, face-to-face groups, Tristan says, are the only associations that give workers a chance of escaping poverty and ignorance. |
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Tristan says that, realistically, we can only hope to address the workers material problems, not their psychological or moral problems. |
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The full unity of the workers, Tristan says, is “too beautiful” to be possible, and must be rejected with the “icy words” of realism. |
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For Tristan, in society, “true power” is “the one money grants.” |
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Tristan sympathized with the Irish in their struggle with their colonial conquerors, their British “lords and masters.” |
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The Charter of 1830 omits one essential right, Tristan says – the right to work. |
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Tristan says that workers who demand jobs and the right to organize will win a fair hearing even if they speak as private individuals. |
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Even the most perfect book, Tristan says, cannot produce positive results all by itself. |
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Tristan says that the destructive power of the French revolution of 1789 was actually quite small and limited. |
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Tristan says that the French bourgeoisie was too timid to fight for its rights against the privileges of the nobility. |
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Tristan says that the capitalists use their power to regulate food prices. |
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Tristan advocates what she calls a “humanitarian” point of view. |
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Tristan praises Louis Blanc for defending the working class and upholding the “necessity” of labor organization. |
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Prosper Enfantin committed many errors, but Tristan credits him with saving and re-energizing the Saint-Simonian school. |
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The only fair wage policy, Tristan says, is to pay everyone equally. |
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In England, according to Note 1, charitable societies have virtually eliminated poverty |
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Tristan says that absolute dominion over passively obedient followers is no longer assured. |
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Tristan asks her “brother” workers to carefully consider how women’s concerns affect their own material interests. |
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