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Fromm says that Lorenz and Freud share a conception of human action in which people are said to be “driven” to act in certain definite ways by instinctual energies. |
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Freud rejected the popular notion of a “death wish” or “death instinct.” |
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Lorenz believed, Fromm says, that people should “open their eyes” to the fact that the modern drift to nuclear war reflects the influence of “social, political, and economic circumstances of our own making." |
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Lorenz calls the aggressive drive a “hereditary evil” which springs from our inherited biological nature. |
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Lorenz rejects the notion that aggression has historically played a progressive role by making humanity “better” and facilitating the rise of hierarchy. |
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For Lorenz, animals in general -- and people in particular -- are innately aggressive. |
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Fromm says that a genetic tendency to violence would not, in fact, give the bearers of this tendency an enhanced chance of survival. |
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The philosopher Hobbes said that “the war of all against all” is our natural state. Lorenz holds a similar viewpoint, according to Fromm. |
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Fromm may disagree with Lorenz on many specific theoretical points, but he greatly admires Lorenz’s extensive knowledge of human history and psychology. |
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For Fromm, narcissists are so insulated from reality that they are literally incapable of being frustrated. |
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Fromm regards Lorenz’s aunt as a typical example, not of people in general, but of people with narcissistic and exploitative tendencies. |
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Fromm accepts Lorenz’s point that American-Soviet relations have some of the same basic qualities that we find in the relations between greylag geese. |
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Lorenz believes that it may be possible to place militant enthusiasm under intelligent supervision by training people to be “militant” only with respect to certain objects. |
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Fromm argues that atrocities were committed by nearly everyone, on an almost universal scale, in both World Wars. |
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Fromm agrees that personal acquaintance has “aggression-lowering” effects. |
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As evidence against the thesis that people hate each other less when they know each other better, Fromm cites the cruelty of civil wars and family disputes. |
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Fromm cites the Olympics as evidence for Lorenz’s view that international athletics is a safe outlet for aggressive drives. |
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Fromm says that humanistic educators in Germany before World War 1 were even more "war-minded” than the average German. |
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Despite saying that Lorenz maintains a “quasi-religious attitude towards Darwinism,” Fromm never says in so many words that Lorenz was a defender of social or moral Darwinism. |
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Social and moral Darwinism, Fromm says, obscures true understanding of human aggressiveness. |
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Skinner defends the idea of human nature. |
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Skinner regards negative and positive reinforcements as equally effective. |
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Fromm says that, if blue-collar workers were allowed the same degree of creativity granted to managers and scientists, “the smooth functioning” of the system could be threatened. |
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Fromm accepts Skinner’s argument that there is no essential difference between designing a bomb and deciding to build one. |
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Fromm believes that Skinner’s theory is exceptionally popular because, in our society, people feel that they are continuously subject to manipulation of one kind or another. |
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Behavorism, Fromm says, is the predominant orientation of American psychologists. |
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Fromm says that Skinner studies the deed, not the doer. |
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Behaviorists define science as the quest to find causes and motives beneath the observable surface of events and actions. |
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Fromm says that the children of sadistic fathers suffer only if their fathers treat them violently. |
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Fromm says that the children of sadistic fathers suffer only if their fathers treat them violently. |
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Fromm denies that signs of nervousness can be considered a major result of Milgram’s experiment. |
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As reported by Fromm, of the 40 subjects in Milgram’s experiment, 35% refused at one point or another to continue administering shocks to the "victim” in the experiment. |
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Fromm says that Milgram places too much stress on the obedience of many test subjects, and that we should give at least equal weight to the disobedience of others. |
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Fromm denies that different people respond to orders differently because they have different personality types. |
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Zimbardo’s central thesis, Fromm says, is that the test subjects who were assigned to play guards and prisoners in his experiment were “transformed,” respectively, into brutal sadists and abject submissives. |
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Zimbardo’s central thesis, Fromm says, is that the test subjects who were assigned to play guards and prisoners in his experiment were “transformed,” respectively, into brutal sadists and abject submissives. |
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Fromm says that Zimbardo’s test conditions were more extreme and punitive than the situations in some actual prisons. |
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Fromm notes that, in an earlier account of their findings, Zimbardo and his co-authors said that fully two-thirds of the prison guards were "fair” or even “friendly” towards their prisoners. |
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Fromm cites his own earlier research to support Zimbardo’s hypothesis that the subjects in his sample had no sadistic dispositions to start with. |
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Fromm says, echoing Bettelheim, that people who were interned in Nazi concentration camps in World War 2 did not all respond alike -- and that, in fact, people from different social classes and people with different worldviews behaved very differently. |
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Fromm calls frustration-aggression theory a powerful alternative to behaviorism. |
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Fromm agrees with Dollard that frustration invariably leads to aggression. |
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Fromm says that frustration is not a good explanation for aggression because almost everything in life entails some frustration, and most people, most of the time, learn to cope with frustration, rather than throwing a tantrum. |
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Fromm says that, despite its flaws, behavioristic psychology is still the most promising foundation for a systematic theory of the sources of violent aggression. |
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Fromm says that instinctivists and behaviorists agree on “one basic premise,” that people are, in effect, “machines” or “puppets,” whose behavior is determined not by their psyche but by forces outside their control, whether instinct or environment conditioning. |
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Like E. O. Wilson, Paul Leyhausen was influenced by Konrad Lorenz. |
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Fromm says that evolutionary biology explains not only why people are capable of fear but why specific people fear specific things in specific circumstances. |
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Fromm says that instinctivists and behaviorists generally ignore each other. |
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Fromm denies the usefulness of the concepts of “sadism” and “masochism.” |
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Fromm says that instinctivism reflects the spirit of early, ruthless, competitive capitalism and that behaviorism reflects the more cooperative spirit of today’s giant corporations. |
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Instinctivists in the 1920’s waged what Fromm calls a “victorious anti-behavioristic revolution.” |
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The German term “ zeitgeist” means “spirit” or “mood” of the times. Fromm would say that behaviorism reflects the 20th-century zeitgeist better than instinctivism. |
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Fromm says the popularity of Lorenz’s viewpoint represents the “revival” of instinctivism, which he credits partly to increasing fear and hopelessness. |
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The psychoanalyst Waelder, cited by Fromm, denies that Freud’s theory of the “death instinct” should disturb people who hope to see human suffering mitigated or abolished. |
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In the "nature-nurture” debate, Fromm rejects nature in favor of nurture. |
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Forty of the test subjects who participated in Milgram’s obedience experiment were subsequently given personality tests and questionnaires. |
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The authors stress that participants in the different versions of Milgram’s obedience experiment differed only slightly in their individual responses. |
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Elms and Milgram note that, in some experimental variations, as few as 30% of Milgram’s test subjects obeyed the experimenter’s orders completely. |
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Elms and Milgram point out that some test subjects obeyed the experimenter’s orders even when the victim was right there, sitting nearby in immediate physical proximity. |
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Elms and Milgram administered personality tests exclusively to subjects from Milgram's “Remote and Voice Feedback” conditions. |
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The “semantic differential scales” that test subjects were asked to complete included references to parents, employers, and the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann. |
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Obedient and defiant Ss registered no significant differences with respect to social responsibility. |
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Obedient Ss scored significantly higher on the California F Scale even when education was factored out of the analysis. |
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Obedient Ss were significantly more likely than defiant Ss to report that they were close to their fathers when they were children. |
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Differences between obedient and defiant Ss with respect to punishment were not readily quantifiable. |
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Obedient Ss were significantly more likely than defiant Ss to offer positive words to describe their parents. |
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Four fifths of the obedient Ss who had served in the military said they had fired weapons at enemy soldiers. |
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Four fifths of the defiant Ss who had served in the military said they had fired weapons at enemy soldiers. |
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All of the obedient Ss who had fired weapons at enemy soldiers denied that they had actually killed anyone. |
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Elms and Milgram say that obeying realistic experimental orders is better evidence of obedient tendencies than simply agreeing with clichés. |
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Elms and Milgram note several parallels between their findings and findings reported in The Authoritarian Personality. |
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Four fifths of the defiant Ss who had served in the military said they had fired weapons at enemy soldiers. |
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Psychologists find that many people tend to blame victims. Elms and Milgram find just the opposite tendency – that even obedient Ss strongly sympathize with their victims, and even “glorify” them. |
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Elms and Milgram, like The Authoritarian Personality, find that obedient Ss tend towards “stereotyped glorification of the father.” |
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Obedient Ss were significantly more likely than defiant Ss to offer positive words to describe their parents. |
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Obedient and defiant Ss differed sharply in their opinions of Adolf Eichmann. |
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Elms and Milgram conclude that initial personality differences between obedient and defiant Ss are likely sources of the differences in their behavior. |
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Elms and Milgram say that, on balance, the evidence suggests that obedient Ss are more likely than defiant Ss to accept the idea of injuring others "easily.” |
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A quarter of the combat-experienced defiant Ss admit that they tried to hit specific people when they fired their weapons in battle. |
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Elms and Milgram deny that the details of their study permit us to picture the obedient S as authoritarian personality. |
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Obedient Ss tend to obey in particular instances, but they do not generally hold favorable attitudes towards command-obedience situations in the abstract. |
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Neither obedient nor defiant Ss would view Yale University itself as “ aggressive." |
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Not all defiant Ss proved to be warmly humanitarian in all their attitudes. |
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Elms and Milgram say that in some cases obedience in their experiment may result, not from submissiveness plus aggressiveness (which is what the F Scale measures), but rather from submissiveness WITHOUT aggressiveness. |
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Elms and Milgram say that their results show that there is one and only one kind of "obedient subject.” |
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Not all defiant Ss proved to be warmly humanitarian in all their attitudes. |
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The population of Rwanda before the genocide was over 20 million. |
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The traditional Rwandan concept of Imana designated a sacred power. |
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From independence in 1962 until the genocide in 1994, Rwanda was ruled by just one ruler. |
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All citizens during Habyarimana’s reign were required to belong to the MRND. |
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Despite differences in status, Rwandans in the Habyarimana years were all basically equal in terms of wealth and landownership. |
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Coffee production for the international market was a major part of economic life in the Habyarimana era. |
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The Arusha Accord of 1993 handed total power to the RPF. |
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The Rwandan genocide was meticulously organized by the state. |
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Obedient and defiant Ss differed sharply in their opinions of Adolf Eichmann. |
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Elms and Milgram say that in some cases obedience in their experiment may result, not from submissiveness plus aggressiveness (which is what the F Scale measures), but rather from submissiveness WITHOUT aggressiveness. |
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As many as 25% of ordinary Rwandan citizens participated directly in the killing of other Rwandans during the genocide. |
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The word “Tutsi” originally meant “royal warrior.” |
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When the Tutsis arrived in Great Lakes Africa they were primarily cattle-herding pastoralists. |
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The word “Hutu” means “subject” or “vassal.” |
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In the period before European colonization, the division between Tutsis and Hutus in Rwanda became primarily a class division. |
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The Belgians discriminated against the Tutsis in favor of the Hutus. |
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The Belgians interpreted the Tutsi/Hutu distinction as a racial difference. |
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Habyarimana’s power base in the Rwandan north (Gisenyi, etc.) was always deeply loyal to the cause of Hutu unity. |
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Tutsis alone were killed during the genocide. |
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Many longitudinal studies have shown that aggressiveness is a stable personality trait, and that childhood aggression is often a warning sign of aggression later in life. |
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The Oliners stress that “dominating structures” have so much power over individuals that we are generally powerless to resist them. |
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The Oliners say that people who derive internal satisfaction from helping others cannot be regarded as altruistic, even if they risk or suffer more than they gain and seek no recognition. |
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Some nations, which tended to be resistant to anti-Semitism, kept levels of Jewish victimization relatively low; others did the reverse. |
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Demographic research shows that blue-collar workers and women were the two groups most likely to participate in Holocaust rescue efforts. |
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The Oliners say that social learning theorists would have trouble explaining acts that are not prompted by interest in external rewards. |
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The Oliners believe that longitudinal research gives us good reasons to regard personality as relatively stable over time. |
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The Oliners deny that friendships with Jews significantly influenced rescue behavior. |
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Most rescuers lived alone with few neighbors and did not fear that their efforts would be disclosed or discovered by anyone close to them. |
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The Oliners deny that friendships with Jews significantly influenced rescue behavior. |
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Bystanders were more exclusively middle-income than rescuers, whose ranks included more of the very poor and the very well off. |
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Rescuers were less likely than others to belong to formal networks and families that they had reason to think would help and support them. |
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Most rescuers volunteered their help, without waiting to be asked. |
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The Oliners conclude that rescuers “simply happened” to have more opportunities to help Jews than non-rescuers did. |
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Most bystanders hated the Nazis, but felt too fearful and hopeless to take action against them. |
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Rescuers and “ actives” were equally likely to stress that their actions were primarily motivated by hatred for the Nazis. |
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The Oliners found that religion played essentially no role in inspiring Holocaust rescuers to help Jews. |
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Bystanders were substantially more likely than rescuers to report that their parents had demanded obedience from them. |
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Equity, as a value, is related to a concern with reciprocity and fair exchange, which the Oliners associate with a “contractual” outlook. |
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Rescuers and nonrescuers were equally likely to hear their parents teach the virtue of reciprocity, but rescuers were more likely to hear their parents teach the virtue of generosity. |
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