variation across countries in antagonism
race antagonism can take on the forms of exclusion or exploitation

ethnic antagonism is outcome because it subsumes racial antagonism

split labor market theory, two sets of workers with two different prices for people from different group, poorer workers need less incentive to enter labor market

Bonacich 1972 argues that antagonism by ethnicity (called nativism when referencing conflict between native born individuals and recent migrants) is
really antagonism by class and arises in situation of economic competition.

Like Wilson, Bonacich argues that businesses want one price for labor and for that labor to cost as little as possible. However workers may elect to respond to
incoming migrants and labor through two options:

1. exclusion to restrict labor inflows whenever possible 2. when exclusion from a society is not possible, a caste type system where the competing higher wage group seeks to maintain its advantage.

A strategy of protecting the migrant/disadvantaged group is the ethnic enclave.

Bonaich in her 1972 excerpt describes antagonisms by ethnicity or gender or really any demographic characteristic imaginable as potentially rational in that
the antagonism is often rooted in a class threat. When there is an emerging group that threatens to lower the price of labor, the existing labor force may
work to either exclude the new group or to establish a caste system with themselves on the top of the hierarchy. Exclusion may occur in the form of controlling in-flows of migrants and is manifested in the U.S. case in the form of cyclical policy
responses to migration. When exclusion is not possible, Bonaich highlights native groups taking advantage of migrants' limited resources, knowledge, skills, and political capital as methods through which they are marginalized within the labor market.

immigrants may be restricted by information available to them, they may be forced into a contract by not knowing about alternatives, political resources
also determine a group's leveraging powers, weaker groups are more vulnerable

temporary workers may be less objectionable to inequality, often men without families

split labor market may not form with mutliple ethnicities simultaneously it may form without different ethnicities such as when there is a female labor force
or a prison labor force

businesses on the other hand try to pay as little for labor as possible

business may import labor if cost of labor is too high
for higher paid class this is the threat, really their antagonism against other ethnic group is about class not race

lack of resources of weaker group allow for employer to break boundaries set by higher paid group
exclusion often occurs when weaker group resides outside territory

when labor can't be excluded higher labor tries to set up a caste system

solution in caste system is to weaken already weak labor so it can't compete

business does not like caste systems

classical assimulation theory

argues that over generations migrants become
indistinguishable from mainstream America and the wasps via intermarriage

portrays a historical shift in domestic labor where in the mid-20th century African Americans rejected domestic occupations as racially subordinating and degrading.

These nannies and housekeepers came to be replaced by Latina women who are vulnerable to the labor market marginalization Bonaich describes.

These Latina women may often be in the United States illegally or have a work visa that prevents them from taking jobs. When they first arrive in the
United States, they may have limited language skills, education, and references making them vulnerable to unfavorable employment conditions, in particular,
working as a live in nanny. Once in this live-in situations, these women may be subject to other forms of control including control over their daily activities, accesss to food, and unpredictable working hours.

However, Hondagneu-Sotelo notes that these positions as nannies may serve as a bridge to better jobs including that of live-out nanny and housekeeper.

Through greater time spent in the US, interactions with an employer, and interaction with other domestic workers, these women may improve their position.

An issue that I have with segmented labor theory generally is that it seems that there are innite divisions and competitive groups within a society. Hondagneu-Sotelo documented a complex hierarchy of worker position by language ability, by experience, by references and even by appearance. While it might be
tempting to reduce conict to occurring across groups (white native born wasps vs. latina migrant women),

Domestica presents examples of competition within
group to secure the best references, to exclude others from sought after jobs, and to guide more vulnerable individuals into less desirable jobs. Indeed the use of references, word of mouth, and quasi-formal nanny agencies was reminiscent of processes of social closure by which wages are also controlled.

argues size of Mexican community matters both for reinforcing group identity and allowing for intragroup divisions

in sample structural assimilation by mexican workers but still have salient ethnic identities

ethnic attitudes become salient when confronted with nativist sentiment

examines the econonomic well being of
migrants from different origins in a diverse number of destination sites. His study is massive in scope both in the data sources and hypotheses tested. His outcomes are related to labor market participation and employment. His findings are generally that migrants from more distant communities do better in the labor market (this might be consistent with Nee's ndings).

do a comparison of multiple origin groups in mulitple destinations

had information on 18 destinations and 187 origin countries

becker says immigrant success in labor market depends on skills which can be divided into observable and unobservable types

predicted migrants do better in countries with a screening test using point system

more distant communities, more select migrants, might do better

for men more variation in employment in destinations vs origins

in analysis point system for assessing immigrant readiness was not signicant

higher income inequality in country of origin, less likely migrants to be employed

little evidence of language as important
greater distance associated with better labor market performance but were less likely to take part in the labor market

more left wing parties, more labor market selection


find members of larger ethnic groups somewhat more likely to be part of labor market

in heterogeneous cities, immigrants tend to prefer non-ethnic enclaves for higher wages and fairer rules

ethnic enclave challenges segmented labor market theory of disadvantage

error in identifying the ethnic enclave

blau suggests as size of ethnic group increases, the likelihood of mixed economy and intergroup relations increases

in heterogeneous cities more movement across types of firms will be more likely to cross ethnic boundaries
as time passes people will transition away from ethnic market and into formal economy

over time suggests people will rely less on personal ties
random selection process taken from lists of immigrants
use friends to get jobs in formal economy
ethnic jobs are strict and dicult
introduce long reference period then include abbreviated version in all followup
questions
increased time in the United States, less likely to use personal ties, call into
question dual labor market theory with impermeable ethnic barriers

There is a tradeoff in ethnic enclaves between longer hours and lower pay which however does allow for the accumulation of capital.

Nee et al (1994) argues that the identification of ethnic enclaves is in fact difficult and show through their extensive interviews, that Asian migrants
of various national origins living in ethnically diverse metropolitan areas actually prefer to work in the mainstream economy.

Over time spent in the US (they use a hazard model!!!) individual likelihood of finding work through ethnic ties declines.

skilled labor generally does not form an ethnic enclave
refugee destinations generally indeterminant

enclave requires
1. substantial immigrants with business experience
2. available capital
3. labor

enclaves usually start small and cater to native clientele

enclave is spatially indentiable
ethnic enclave can be readily subsumed into public sector

counters second generation experiences based on pre-WW2 experiences

immigrants have to adjust faster

higher ses increases likeliood of moving to whiter census tract

alba and logan develop spatial assimilation model:

say immigrants move from enclaves to white areas

place stratication model: people seek to preserve inequality through stratification

housing availability model: people come into housing as it becomes open

blacks tend to move out of white neighborhoods but not statistically significant

whites do not move to racially mixed or black neighborhoods

highly educated, married people more likely to move to white areas

improving human capital will address issues of assimilation

Historical housing discrimination created these neighborhoods which are continually maintained by processes of whtie flight and the increased segregation of the black community where those who improve their socioeconomic status are likely to move to white neighborhoods (see Crowder and South 1998
that across races those with her education and married are likely to move to white areas).