Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
What do North Americans think of organ transplantation? |
|
Definition
| They find death acceptable, in part, because personhood and individuality are culturally located in the brain. |
|
|
Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
In accordance with the previous question ("What do North Americans think of organ transplantation?"), what has this "comfort" provoked? |
|
Definition
| The thinking that brain death has allowed for the "gift of life" through organ donation and subsequent transplantation. |
|
|
Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
What does Japan think of organ transplantation? |
|
Definition
| The concept is hotly contested and organ transplants are rarely performed. |
|
|
Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
-In accordance with the last question ("What does Japan think of organ transplantation?"), why do the Japanese think this? |
|
Definition
| -The Japanese do not incorporate a mind-body split into their models of themselves and locate personhood throughout the body rather than in the brain. |
|
|
Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
What does Japan think of organ transplantation? |
|
Definition
| The concept is hotly contested and organ transplants are rarely performed. |
|
|
Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
-In accordance with the last question ("What does Japan think of organ transplantation?"), why do the Japanese think this? |
|
Definition
| -The Japanese do not incorporate a mind-body split into their models of themselves and locate personhood throughout the body rather than in the brain. |
|
|
Term
Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
Why can't the Japanese think of organ transplants as "gifts"? |
|
Definition
| Because of their way of thinking, they resist accepting a warm pink body as a corpse from which organs can be harvested and therefore organs cannot be "gifts" because anonymous donation is not compatible with Japanese social patterns of reciprocal exchange. |
|
|
Term
| What is an example of forensic anthropology in action (applied anthropology)? |
|
Definition
| In 1995 a team was assembled by the UN to investigate a mass atrocity in Rwanda and this included a group of archaeologists that performed the standard archaeological procedures of the mapping site; determining it boundaries; photographing and recording all surface finds, and recording buried skeletons and associated materials in mass graves. |
|
|
Term
| What is another example of forensic anthropology in action (applied anthropology)? |
|
Definition
| In 1991 an African burial ground from the 17th and 18th centuries was discovered and researchers examined the complete cultural and historic context and life ways of the entire population buried there. |
|
|
Term
Franz Boas
What notable thing did Franz Boas do for universities around the world? |
|
Definition
| He made anthropology courses common in college and university curricula. |
|
|
Term
Franz Boas
Where did he conduct his ethnographic research? |
|
Definition
| Among the Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka' wakw) Indians in the Canadian Pacific. |
|
|
Term
Franz Boas
What important theory did Boas disprove? |
|
Definition
| Through ethnographic fieldwork and comparative analysis, he demonstrated that white supremacy theories and other schemes ranking non-European peoples and cultures as inferior were biased, ill-informed, and unscientific. |
|
|
Term
Franz Boas
In accordance with the last question ("What important theory did Boas disprove?"), what did he promote? |
|
Definition
| He promoted anthropology not only as a human science but also as an instrument to combat racism and prejudice in the world. |
|
|
Term
-Where did Matilda Coxe Stevenson do her fieldwork?
-What did she found? And what was important about it? |
|
Definition
-Among the Zuni Indians of Arizona
-The Women's Athropological Society in Washington DC and it was the first professional association for women scientists. |
|
|
