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| Explanations people offer after they have performed acts that threaten their social identities. Accounts take two forms - excuse that minimize one's more socially acceptable manner. |
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| Actions people use to define their apparently questionable conduct as actually in line with cultural norms, thereby repairing social identities, restoring meaning to situations, and reestablishing smooth interaction. |
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| Tactics we use to impose roles and identities on other that produce outcomes to our advantage. |
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| A setting used to manage appearances. In back regions, people allow themselves to violate appearances, while they prepare, rehearse, and rehash performances. Contrasts with front regions, where people carry ou interaction performances and exert efforts to maintain appropriate appearances. |
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| Contingencies (of self-esteem) |
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| Characteristics of self or categories of outcomes on which a person stakes his or her self-esteem. |
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| A response to repeated or glaring failures that gently persuades an offender to accept a less desirable, though still reasonable, alternative identity. |
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| Definition of the situation |
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Definition
| In symbolic interaction theory, a person's interpretation or construal of a situation and the objects in it. An agreement among persons about wwho they are, what actions are appropriate in the setting, and what their behaviors mean. |
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| a verbal assertion intended to ward off any negative implications of impending actions by defining these actions as irrelevant to one's established social identity. By using disclaimers, a person suggestions that although the impending acts may ordinarily imply a negative identity, his or hers is an extraordinary case. |
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| The feeling that people experience when interaction is disrupted because the identity they have claimed in an encounter is discredited. |
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| A set of widely understood rules or conventions pertaining to a transient but repetitive social situation that indicate which roles should be enacted and which behaviors are proper. |
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Definition
| A setting used to manage appearances. In front regions, people carry out interaction performances and exert efforts to maintain appropriate appearances. Contrasts with back regions, where they allow themselves to violate appearances while they prepare, rehearse, and rehash performances. |
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Definition
| Mead's second stage of social experiences, in which children enter organized activities and learn to imagine the viewpoints of several others at the same time. |
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| A conception of the attitudes and expectations held in common by the members of the organized groups with whom one interacts. |
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| An individuals evaluation of self as a member of a racial or ethnic group. |
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| The categories people use to specify who they are - that is, to locate themselves relative to other people. |
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| Proposes that an actor uses the social meaning of his or her identity as a reference point for assessing what is occurring in the situation. |
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| A response to repeated or glaring failures that destroys the offender's current identity and transforms him or her into a "lower" social type. |
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| The deliberate use of deception to increase a target person's liking for us in hopes of gaining tangible benefits that the target person controls. Techniques such as flattery, expressing agreement with the target person's attitudes, and exaggerating one's own admirable qualities may be used. |
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Definition
| The term coined by cooley that describes the self-schema we create based on how we think we appear to others. |
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Definition
| Mead's first stage of social experience, in which young children imitate the activities of people around them. |
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| Individuals' concept of self in specific social roles |
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| In symbolic interaction theory, the process of imaginatively occupying the position of another person and viewing the situation and the self from that person's perspective; the process of imagining the other's attitudes and anticipating that person's responses. |
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| The relative importance of a specific role identity to the individual's self-schema. The salience hierarchy refers to the ordering of an individual's role identities according to their importance. |
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| The individual viewed as both the active source and the passive object of reflexive behavior. |
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| A state in which we take the self as the object of our attention and focus on our own appearance, actions, and thoughts. |
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| The process of revealing personal information (aspects of our feelings and behaviors) to another person. Self-disclosure is sometimes used as an impression management tactic. |
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| The evaluative component of the self-concept. the positive and negative evaluations people have of themselves. |
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Definition
| All conscious and unconscious attempts by people to control the images of self they project in social interaction. |
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| The organized structure of information that people have about themselves; the primary influence on the processing of information about the self. |
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| People whose views and attitudes are very important and worthy of consideration. The reflected views of a significant other have great influence on the individual's self-concept and self-regulation. |
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| A conception held by a person in a situation that indicates who he or she is in relation to the other people involved in that situation. |
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| The subset of self-concepts that constitutes the self people recognize in a particular situation. Selected from the person's various identities, qualities, and self-evaluations, the situated self depends on the demands of the situations. |
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| A definition of the self in terms of the defining characteristic of a social group |
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| Personal charactertistics that others view as insurmountable handicaps preventing competent or morally trustworthy behavior. |
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Definition
| An impression management tactic that involves convincing a target person that you are needy and deserving. |
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Term
| Tactical impression management |
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Definition
| The selective use of self-presentation tactics by a person who wishes to manipulate the impressions that others form of him or her. |
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