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| Liberalism and World Politics – Michael Doyle |
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Definition
| Argument: Three different strains of liberalism are not contradictory. First, Schumpeter argues that democracy will increase trade which will decrease war. Machiavelli argues that democracy leads to a popular fear of being dominated as well as a popular desire to be the ruling class, which will lead to an increase of imperialism. Kant argues that if a state is democratic and perceives another state as being democratic, the odds of conflict will diminish. |
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| Liberalism and World Politics |
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| How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace – John Owen |
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Definition
| Argument: Owen argues that states with liberal ideologies (believing that all states are the same and that they are best off pursuing self-preservation and material well-being) and liberal democracies will not go to war with other liberal democracies. Freedom is required for these pursuits, and peace is required for the pursuits, and peace is required for freedom. |
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| How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace |
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Term
| The End of History – Fukuyama |
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Definition
| Argument: There are no more great ideologies possible. After the fall of communism, liberal democracy is the only governing philosophy left. Any ideological conflict will no longer exist between states because they are all going to become liberal democracies. |
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| Logic of Democratic Peace – Rosato |
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Definition
| Argument: Democracy has no relationship at all to being war-like. The normative logic of the democratic peace theory fails because states can’t always perceive other states liberality. The institutional logic fails because democratic populaces don’t generally care very much about war, so the public will not constrain leaders who want to go to war. They are not accountable because leaders are never punished for losing wars or costly wars. There is no evidence that a president can mobilize an army slower than a generalissimo. Democracies can launch surprise attacks because there is so much information that the enemy cannot figure out which information is relevant. |
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| Logic of Democratic Peace |
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Definition
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Term
Democratization and War – Mansfield and Snyder
Argument: Mansfield and Snyder argue that countries do not become peaceful democracies overnight, and that they usually go through a turbulent/violent transition to democracy. So, democratization often leads to violence at first, and then after transitioning may become a peaceful democracy. Washington should not focus on encouraging or discouraging democratization, but on smoothing the transition. |
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| Democratization and War – Mansfield and Snyder |
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| The Rise of Illiberal Democracy – Fareed Zakaria |
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Definition
| Argument: He discusses how the rise of democratically elected governments can deprive citizens of their natural rights. He argues that through elections, the majority receives a power which can cause them to ignore the rules or constitution set into place, creating an environment where the minority may be manipulated or abused. However, a “liberal democracy”, gives people certain rights, no matter which major party or person is in power (which is provided by checks and balances). |
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| The Rise of Illiberal Democracy |
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| The Political Consequences of the Product Cycle – Kurth |
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Definition
| Argument: The product cycle of textiles, steel, the auto industry, and other goods have the potential to create different domestic regimes within states; however, the earlier industries require the reinvestment of short-term capital, while later industries need such measures of lon-term industrial bank credit and both state and foreign investor financing to ensure their survival. |
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| The Political Consequences of the Product Cycle |
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Definition
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Term
| Sectoral Conflict and US Foreign Economic Policy – Jeff Frieden |
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Definition
| Argument: It is tension between sectors, not classes, which determine foreign economic policy. Frieden argues that everyone in the auto sector wants that sector to succeed (both classes, like GM vs line workers, want this), and the same goes for the agriculture sector; however, when the two sectors have different interests (international vs isolationist) they will compete to determine int’l econ policy. |
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| Sectoral Conflict and US Foreign Economic Policy |
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Definition
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| Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China – A. Iain Johnston |
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Definition
| Argument: The main idea that he argues is that strategic culture has existed for hundreds of years, and has endured, never-changing, until present day. Thus, culture is ideationally rooted. Ideas, norms, and culture engender and create meaningful structures, which could either be anarchic or institutionalized. Behavior will influence culture which will create a continual circular (tautological!) model. |
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| Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China |
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Definition
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| “What China will Want: The Future Intentions of Rising Power,” Perspectives on Politics – Jeffrey Legro |
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Definition
| Argument: The rising China problem is not just about power, but more-so purpose. He believes that China’s future regarding foreign policy falls into two schools of thought: first, as Chinese power grows, they will seek to challenge the current global order (US interests). Second, conflict can be avoided by supporting China in their political and economic liberalization. US leaders need to be forward-looking to acknowledge, not hedge, China’s growth and power. This is a constructionist article. Argument 1 has realist under-tones, whereas argument 2 is more liberalist in nature. |
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| “What China will Want: The Future Intentions of Rising Power,” Perspectives on Politics |
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Definition
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| Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis |
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Definition
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| Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis – Graham Allison |
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Definition
| Argument: Allison illustrates three different models of government action. Each gov’t action has the potential to explain the Cuban Missile Crisis (and state behavior in general). The first suggests that the state acts as a unitary rational actor to make decisions. The second demonstrates the “Where you stand is where you sit” argument, suggesting that those in various state responsibilities make predictable arguments based on their position. (They will do what is in the best interest of their department.) Third, the state is essential a unitary actor and can only dictate policy options that are already standard operating procedure. |
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Term
| 9/11 Commission Executive Summary |
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Definition
| Argument: The 9/11 attacks, though a shock due to being domestically unprepared, were not truly a surprise on the bureaucratic level. There was inter-bureaucratic conflict. The 9/11 commission suggests a more centralized bureaucratic structure. |
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