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| The technique whereby a researcher observes people and systematically records measurements or impressions of their behavior. |
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| Method in which researcher randomly assigns participants to different conditions and ensures that these conditions are identical except for the independent variable (the one thought to have an effect on people's responses). |
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| The tendency for people to exaggerate how much they could have predicted an outcome after knowing it occurred. |
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| The relationship between a cause and an effect. |
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| Making sure that nothing besides the independent variable can affect the dependent variable; this is accomplished by controlling all extraneous variables and by randomly assigning people to different experimental conditions. |
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| The technique whereby two or more variables are systematically measured and the relationship between them is assessed. |
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| The level of agreement between two or more people who independently observe and code a set of data; by showing that two or more judges independently come up with the same observations, researchers ensure that the observations are not the subjective, distorted impressions of one individual. |
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| A form of the observational method in which the researcher examines the accumulated documents or archives of a culture. |
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| Research in which a representative sample of people are asked (often anonymously) questions about their attitudes or behavior. |
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| The extent to which the results of a study can be generalized to other situations and to other people. |
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| Aronson and Mills applied Festinger's theory of cognitive dissonance (the process by which people change their attitudes or behavior to be consistent with one another) to the observation that when people experience a great deal of trouble or pain attaining something, they tend to value it more than if they had no trouble attaining it. Results were consistent with their hypothesis: participants who underwent a severe initiation to join a group expressed more liking toward the group than participants who underwent a mild or no initiation. |
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| Counterattitudinal Advocacy |
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| Stating an opinion or belief that runs counter to one's private belief or attitude. |
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| A drive or feeling of discomfort, originally defined as being caused by holding two or more inconsistent cognitions and subsequently defined as being caused by performing an action that is discrepant from one's customary typically positive self-conception. |
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| A reason or an explanation for dissonant personal behavior that resides outside the individual. (Ex. in order to avoid a punishment) |
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| Experiment with children and toys. Dished out severe/mild warnings to not play with the toys. When told to play with the toys, the kids with the mild warning did not touch them. Resembles the idea of self justification. |
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| A long-lasting form of attitude change that results from attempts at self-justification. |
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| People's tendency to attribute a greater value (greater than the objective value) to an outcome they had to put effort into acquiring or achieving. |
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| The tendency to overestimate the intensity and duration of one's emotional reactions to future negative events. |
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| Simple, efficient rules, learned or hard-coded by evolutionary processes, that have been proposed to explain how people make decisions, come to judgments, and solve problems typically when facing complex problems or incomplete information. |
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| Students were paid either $1 or $20 for the same task. Students that were paid $1 rated the experience more positively because they did not have much external justification for what they were doing, so they have to internally justify it. Those paid $20 experienced less dissonance. |
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| The arousal of dissonance by having individuals make statements that run counter to their behaviors and then reminding them of the inconsistency between what they advocated and their behavior. The purpose is to lead individuals to more responsible behavior. |
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1) Cognitive component: the thoughts and beliefs that people form about the attitude object.
2) Affective component: People's emotional reactions toward the attitude object.
3) Behavioral component: how people act toward the attitude object. |
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| The phenomenon whereby behaviors we freely choose to perform become more or less frequent, depending on whether they are followed by a reward (positive reinforcement) or punishment. |
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| Attitudes that are involuntary, uncontrollable, and at times unconscious. |
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| Attitudes that we consciously endorse and can easily report. |
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| The phenomenon whereby a stimulus that elicits an emotional response (ex grandmother) is repeatedly paired with a neutral stimulus (ex mothballs) until the neutral stimulus takes on the emotional properties of the first stimulus. |
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| Bem's Self-Perception Theory |
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| Under certain circumstances peoples don't know how they feel until they see how they behave. |
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| Yale Attitude Change Approach |
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| The study of the conditions under which people are most likely to change their attitudes in response to persuasive messages, focusing on "who said what to whom" - the source of the communication, the nature of the communication, and the nature of the audience |
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| Elaboration Likelihood Model |
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| A model explaining two ways in which persuasive communications can cause attitude change: centrally, when people are motivated and have the ability to pay attention to the arguments in the communication, and peripherally, when people do not pay attention to the arguments but are instead swayed by surface characteristics (ex who gave the speech) |
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| Emotions as Heuristics. Page 178 |
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| The emotions can cause attitude change by acting as a signal for how we feel about something. |
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| Making people immune to attempts to change their attitudes by initially exposing them to small doses of the arguments agains their position. |
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| The idea that when people feel their freedom to perform a certain behavior is threatened, an unpleasant state of reactance is aroused, which they can reduce by performing the threatened behavior. |
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| Theory of Planned Behavior |
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| The best predictors of people's planned, deliberative behaviors are their behavioral intentions. The best predictors of their intentions are their attitudes toward the specific behavior, their subjective norms, and their perceived behavioral control of the behavior. |
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| A change in one's behavior due to the real or imagined influences of other people. |
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| Informational Social Influence |
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| The influence of other people that leads us to conform because we see them as a source of information to guide our behavior. We conform because we believe that others' interpretation of an ambiguous situation is more correct than ours and will help us choose an appropriate course of action. |
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| Conforming to other people's behavior out of a genuine belief that what they are doing or saying is right. |
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| Conforming to other people's behavior publicly without necessarily believing in what the other people are doing or saying. |
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| Light experiment. Turns out people change to conform to the group. |
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| Conformity and Task Importance |
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| The rapid spread of emotions or behaviors through a crowd. |
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| Normative Social Influence |
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| Influence of others that lead us to conform, in order to be liked and accepted by that group of people. |
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| The implicit or explicit rules a group has for the acceptable behaviors, values, and beliefs of its members. |
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| Asch Line-Judgement Studies |
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| Sizable number of people conform to a group's incorrect response. |
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| The idea that conforming to social influence depends on the group's importance, its immediacy, and the number of people in the group. |
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| People's perceptions of what behaviors are approved or disapproved of by others. |
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| People's perceptions of how people actually behave in given situations, regardless of whether the behavior is approved or disapproved of by others. |
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| Willingness of participants to obey an authority figure that orders them to do something in conflict with their conscience. Also electric shock experiment. Ch. 8 |
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